On March 12, 1930, Mahatma Gandhi led a 200-mile march, known as the Salt March, to the sea in defiance of British opposition, to protest the British monopoly on salt. This “Satyagraha” was one of Gandhi’s most famous protests.
Author: Redactor
Jean-Baptiste Say
A hard working laborer, I was told, fancied working by candlelight. He had calculated that, during his vigil, he burned a 4-penny candle, earning 8 pennies by his work. A tax on tallows and another on the manufacture of the candles increased by 5 pennies the cost of his luminary, which became thus more expensive than the value of the product that it could shed light upon. From then on, as soon as night fell, the workman remained idle; he lost the 4 pennies which his work could obtain him, and without the tax service perceiving anything out of this production. Such a loss must be multiplied by the number of the workmen in a city and by the number of the days of the year.
Modern economics takes a long, circuitous route to the old wisdom of classical political economy: Laissez faire is best.
This ideal of free markets was pretty clearly established by Adam Smith, J.B. Say, David Ricardo, and others long ago. Frédéric Bastiat explained it best in layman’s terms.
But modern economic theory, with lots of math I don’t pretend to follow, often backs it up, too. Sure, sure: Much of modern theory sort of assumes unlimited government as the alternative to “market failure.” But the more you look (and look critically) at that theory — and increasing numbers of economists are doing just that — the more the case for government involvement falls flat.
This struck me as I was reading economist Garett Jones:
There’s an old story about a mathematician asking Paul Samuelson for one idea in economics that was simultaneously true and not obvious. Samuelson’s answer [was the Law of Comparative Advantage]. Today, I’ve got another: The Chamley-Judd Redistribution Impossibility Theorem.
Chamley and Judd separately came to the same discovery: In the long run, capital taxes are far more distorting tha[n] most economists had thought, so distorting that the optimal tax rate on capital is zero. If you’ve got a fixed tax bill it’s better to have the workers pay it.
Jones goes on:
Under standard, pretty flexible assumptions, it’s impossible to tax capitalists, give the money to workers, and raise the total long-run income of workers.
Not, hard, not inefficient, not socially wasteful, not immoral: Impossible.
Hard as policy wonks and their patrons, the politicians, may try, any redistribution from the owners of capital to workers will make workers worse off.
Jones discusses some of the niceties of the theory.
But I confess: to me it’s all déjà vu. Or, to conjure up another French term, laissez faire all over again.
This is Common Sense. I’m Paul Jacob.
Jean-Baptiste Say
A tax can never be favorable to the public welfare, except by the good use that is made of its proceeds.
Townhall: It’s not about drones
The key issue of last week’s great Rand Paul filibuster was not drone technology, as such, but whether those who run the government will accept the rules of the Constitution. That’s the message from Yours Truly this week on Townhall. Read the column, then come back here for some more links to further facts and opinion.
- First Hour of Filibuster Video (all 13 hours available on YouTube)
- “Drone Policy Must Include Checks and Balances,” by Benjamin H. Friedman, Cato Institute
- “President Obama, did or did you not kill Anwar al-Awlaki?“, by David Cole, Washington Post
- “John McCain and Lindsey Graham Declare War on Rand Paul,” by Brian Dougherty, Reason (Hit and Run)
- Daily Show segment, Jon Stewart on Rand Paul
- “Rand Paul fires back – McCain, Graham think ‘whole world is a battlefield,’” Fox News
- “Military robots and the future of war,” by P.W. Singer, TED talk (see Saturday’s post)
- “An off-target drone,” The Economist
Thomas Paine
There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required.
Video: Warrior Robots Today and Tomorrow
Let’s put some context to Rand Paul’s concerns about checks and balances vis-a-vis drone strikes. Robots have entered the battlefield. And are about to buzz and boom big time. The future — even the present — is science-fictional.
Thomas Paine
It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradation we surmount the force of local prejudice as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world.
Americans eager to weaken various limits on political power here at home should pay closer attention to news from abroad.
Around the globe, killing presidential term limits is high on the to-do list of aspiring presidents-for-life.
Autocrats also dislike the right of citizen initiative. Even when they abstain from trying to kill initiative rights altogether, they often seek outrageous restrictions on them, or even stoop to harassing petitioners and voters.
One such enemy of the people was Venezuelan strongman Hugo Chávez, now dead. Chávez was an equal-opportunity attacker of citizen rights. He expropriated businesses, bullied media, once even ordered soldiers to fire on anti-Chávez protesters (they refused). He also succeeded in eliminating presidential term limits.
In 2003, his government arranged for the public release of the names of Venezuelans who had signed a petition to recall Chávez. The names were stolen from the office charged with overseeing the petition drive and leaked to a pro-Chávez legislator, who then published them on his website. Many signers lost jobs, loans, and other opportunities controlled by the state.
American foes of term limits, initiative rights, and other constraints on concentrated power may think there’s no comparison. But every chipping away at protections against tyranny is dangerous.
While it is true that no single limit on power can substitute for all the cultural values and ideas that underlie our rights as free citizens, it is also the case that institutions and culture reinforce each other. The foundation of a building has more than one cornerstone.
This is Common Sense. I’m Paul Jacob.
Thomas Paine
When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember that virtue is not hereditary.