Sometimes traveling people will be talking together. They will say how good it is in some places and how bad it is in others. And, sooner or later, one of them is bound to mention it. “Talk about really being out in the boondocks!” he will say, “there’s a little planet named Earth —”
R.A. Lafferty, The Reefs of Earth (1968).
On December 21, 1620, William Bradford and the Mayflower Pilgrims landed on the shores of what is now known as Plymouth, Massachusetts. One-hundred twenty-one years later one specific rock was identified as the disembarkation spot, and it became known as Plymouth Rock.
American settlers in Nacogdoches, Mexican Texas, declared their independence on December 21, 1826, starting the Fredonian Rebellion.
On Thursday, a provocative post from X user @CremieuxRecueil included a graph showing U.S. federal workforce numbers declining from a peak of around 3.05 million in late 2024 to below 2.75 million by late 2025, with the drop accelerating after Donald Trump’s inauguration in January 2025.
Elon Musk replied to it on the 19th, with “The matrix was reprogrammed,” amplifying its reach.
Musk’s somewhat cryptic comment seems to attribute the decline to DOGE — the Department of Government Efficiency, an advisory body led by Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, which focused on reducing federal spending and bureaucracy through recommendations like hiring freezes, agency reorganizations, and mass layoffs.
Is there any truth to it? Did DOGE do something substantive?
Based on official U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) data and reporting from government oversight sources, yes. This precipitous downward slope on the graph represents the largest peacetime reduction in federal employment on record, totaling over 270,000 jobs cut since January 2025.
That is roughly a 9 percent drop from peak levels.
Still, critics note it hasn’t yet translated to significant budget savings.
DOGE’s role does receive credit in many accounts, as its recommendations influenced executive actions like Trump’s Day One hiring freeze (with exceptions for essential roles) and agency-specific layoffs. But remember, DOGE itself is an unofficial advisory panel without direct authority—its charter expires in mid-2026, and since Elon left, it has not been quite as active as at its peak.
Federal employment had grown from about 2.85 million in 2021 to over three million by 2024 under the Biden administration, driven by hiring in areas like healthcare, infrastructure, and regulatory enforcement. The reversal in 2025 aligns with Trump’s executive orders and DOGE proposals to eliminate redundancies and non-essential positions.
As of mid-2025, over 58,500 confirmed layoffs, 76,000 voluntary buyouts, and 149,000 planned reductions were tracked across 27 agencies, including significant cuts at the IRS, EPA, and Department of Education.
While not a formal department, DOGE’s public campaigns and embedded “team leads” in agencies have driven reorganizations, such as consolidating offices and purging unprotected roles.
Cato Institute hailed it as effective for workforce reduction, but outlets like The Washington Times pointed out that federal spending hasn’t decreased accordingly, calling the savings goal of $2 trillion “unmet.”
Why “unmet”? Well, factors like entitlement programs and debt servicing aren’t just going to go away of themselves, and DOGE limited itself to “waste-fraud-abuse” elements in the Social Security system.
How’s this for a randomized controlled trial: Out of the 189 hospital ivermectin cases Ralph [Lorigo] took on, eighty went to court. Of those, Ralph’s team won forty and lost forty. Out of the forty cases they lost, thirty-nine patients died (97.5 percent). Out of the forty cases they won, only two died (5 percent). Even more specifically, Ralph went to court six times on behalf of patients hospitalized at Rochester Medical Center. In the three cases he won, all survived. In the three cases he lost, all three died. Of all the infuriating injustice I have witnessed in Covid, this one puts me over the edge.
Pierre Kory with Jenna McCarthy, War on Ivermectin: The Medicine that Saved Millions and Could Have Ended the Pandemic (2024), Chapter Thirty-six: “A Legal Legend.”
On December 20, 1946, Frank Capra’s holiday classic It’s a Wonderful Life premiered at the Globe Theatre in New York to mixed reviews. It has since become not merely a cult classic, but an almost universally beloved film.
After calling the fatal knife attack a “sad thing” but before exclaiming “May Rob and Michele rest in peace,” Trump made the incident about himself.
The butchery, he asserted, “reportedly” was the result of “the anger he caused others through his massive, unyielding, and incurable affliction with a mind crippling disease known as TRUMP DERANGEMENT SYNDROME, sometimes referred to as TDS.” Trump referred to Reiner’s “raging obsession” and “paranoia” that reached “new heights as the Trump Administration surpassed all goals and expectations of greatness, and with the Golden Age of America upon us, perhaps like never before.”
More extreme than Rob Reiner’s derangement may be Trump’s own.
But the actor and director, in his heyday, also demonstrated some difficulty assessing his public persona honestly. Reiner never seemed to realize that he became the “Meathead” he played (maybe with only inadvertent satire) on All in the Family in the 1970s.
Some folks find it hard to condemn Trump for being petty and political upon Reiner’s death when that seemed to be precisely what Reiner was upon, say, Rush Limbaugh’s.
Both Reiner and Trump inhabit the “loudmouth” camp of public rhetoric, using strong condemnatory language and a reliance on over-statement when railing against their opponents. At death, do loudmouths deserve less honor?
The acceleration of history being what it is, perhaps, “too soon” no longer sticks as a useful censure when it comes to gallows humor and double-murder indecency.
This is Common Sense. I’m Paul Jacob.
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The greater the penalties laid on sellers in the black market . . . the higher the black market price.
Kenneth E. Boulding, “A Note on the Theory of the Underground economy,” The Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science (1947), Vol. 13 no.1, p. 117
On December 19, 1776, Tom Paine published one of a series of pamphlets in the Pennsylvania Journal titled The American Crisis. Exactly one year later, George Washington’s Continental Army went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania.
On December 19, 1828, Vice President of the United States John C. Calhoun penned the South Carolina Exposition and Protest, arguing against the Tariff of 1828, a key moment in what became known as the Nullification Crisis.
Such are the considerations that motivate some property owners devastated by last January’s conflagrations in California to want to build a duplex.
So what’s the problem?
The governor is the problem.
That he’s listening to other property owners in your neighborhood — the Pacific Palisades — who dislike duplexes makes the problem worse.
Your property is not their property, mind you. But they’re acting as if it were.
California Governor Gavin Newsom has issued an executive order letting cities ban duplex construction in neighborhoods affected by last January’s wildfires. A pro-development group called YIMBY Law was willing to refrain from filing a lawsuit if the governor issued a new order to let property owners build duplexes after a year had passed.
But Newsom won’t budge. So YIMBY Law is suing.
A spokesman for the governor says that letting owners build duplexes (on their own property) amounts to an “attack” on the Pacific Palisades and an undermining of “local flexibility to rebuild.”
“Local,” here, seems to mean the sum total of all neighbors who are loath to allow you to enjoy the flexibility of building on your own property.
But the individual and his rights are as local as it gets.
And reducing options, as a prohibition on building duplexes where single-family homes once stood, is the very opposite of “flexibility.”
This is Common Sense. I’m Paul Jacob.
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Nothing in life is so exhilarating as to be shot at without result.
Winston Churchill, The Story of the Malakand Field Force: An Episode of Frontier War (1898), Chapter X.