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Thought

Gustave Le Bon

If the economists marvel that demonstrations based on impeccable evidence have absolutely no influence over those who hear and understand them, we have only to refer them to the history of all dogmas, and to the study of the psychology of crowds. We have not triumphed over a doctrine when we have shown its chimerical nature. We do not attack dreams with argument; nothing but recurring experience can show that they are dreams. In order to comprehend the present force of Socialism it must be considered above all as a belief, and we then discover it to be founded on a very secure psychologic basis. It matters very little to its immediate success that it may be contrary to social and economic necessities. The history of all beliefs, and especially of religious beliefs, sufficiently proves that their success has most often been entirely independent of the proportion of truth that they might contain.

Gustave Le Bon, Psychologie du Socialisme (1896), translated as The Psychology of Socialism (1899).
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Thought

F. Marion Crawford

A man who believes he is beaten is already more than half conquered.

Francis Marion Crawford, Mr. Isaacs (1882), Chapter VIII.
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Thought

Robert Heilbroner

It turns out, of course, that Mises was right. The Soviet system has long been dogged by a method of pricing that produced grotesque misallocations of effort. The difficulties were not so visible in the early days of Soviet industrialization or in the post-Second World War reconstruction period. The dams and mills and entire new cities of the nineteen-thirties astonished the world, as did the Chinese Great Leap Forward of the nineteen-fifties, which performed similar miracles from a still lower base. But those undertakings, like the building of the Pyramids or the Great Wall, depended less on economic coordination than on the political capacity for marshalling vast labor forces. Inefficiency set in when projects had to be joined into a complex whole — a process that required knowing how much things should cost. Then, as Mises foresaw, setting prices became a hopeless problem, because the economy never stood still long enough for anyone to decide anything correctly. 

Robert Heilbroner admitting, seven decades after Ludwig von Mises published “Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth” (1920), that central planning boards could not order goods by value, since there existed no private property and capital markets with which to do the task; in “After Communism,” The New Yorker (September 3, 1990). Heilbroner was a life-long socialist and author of the popular history of economics, The Worldly Philosophers (1953).
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Thought

Ludwig von Mises

Without economic calculation there can be no economy. Hence, in a socialist state wherein the pursuit of economic calculation is impossible, there can be — in our sense of the term — no economy whatsoever. In trivial and secondary matters rational conduct might still be possible, but in general it would be impossible to speak of rational production any more. There would be no means of determining what was rational, and hence it is obvious that production could never be directed by economic considerations. 

Ludwig von Mises, “Die Wirtschaftsrechnung im sozialistischen Gemeinwesen,” Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, volume 47, issue 1, pp. 86–121, translated into English by S. Adler as “Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth,” for F.A. Hayek, editor, Collectivist Economic Planning (1935).
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Thought

Robert Heilbroner

Even today — in blithe disregard to his actual philosophy — Smith is generally regarded as a conservative economist, whereas in fact, he is more avowedly hostile to the motives of businessman than most New Deal economists.

Robert Heilbroner, The Worldly Philosophers (1953), Chapter III, “Adam Smith,” p. 62
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Thought

Kin Hubbard

We’d all like t’vote fer th’best man, but he’s never a candidate.

Kin Hubbard, as quoted in The Best of Kin Hubbard (1984).
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Thought

Carl Benjamin

Diversity is Sauron’s strength — and that’s very much the theme of The Lord of the Rings.

Carl Benjamin, @SargonofAkkad, responding (November 3, 2025) to a tweet by Don McGowan of the previous day.
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Thought Today

The Fifth

On the Fifth of November, 1605, Guy Fawkes was arrested in the cellars of the Houses of Parliament, where he had planted gunpowder in an attempt to blow up the building and kill King James I of England. Now known as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, originally called the Gunpowder Treason Plot or the Jesuit Treason, the conspiracy was an unsuccessful attempted regicide against by a group of English Catholics, led by Robert Catesby.

Guy Fawkes himself had been assigned to light the fuse. He was tortured, tried, and finally executed on the last day of the first month of the next year. Parliament declared a memorial day of November Fifth, and the event has been celebrated in one form or other ever since, echoed in literature, with poems by John Milton (1626), a novel by William Harrison Ainsworth (1841), and a comic by Alan Moore and David Lloyd (1982-1989) contributing to the memorials. The latter was turned into a movie, V for Vendetta (2006), in which the hero wears a Guy Fawkes mask (designed by Lloyd) and recites a famous nursery rhyme on the subject:

Remember, remember, the 5th of November,
The Gunpowder Treason and plot.
I see no reason
Why the Gunpowder Treason
Should ever be forgot.

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Thought

Wilhelm Reich

If, by being revolutionary, one means rational rebellion against intolerable social conditions, if, by being radical, one means “going to the root of things,” the rational will to improve them, then fascism is never revolutionary. True, it may have the aspect of revolutionary emotions. But one would not call that physician revolutionary who proceeds against a disease with violent cursing but the other who quietly, courageously and conscientiously studies and fights the causes of the disease. Fascist rebelliousness always occurs where fear of the truth turns a revolutionary emotion into illusions.

Wilhelm Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism (1933), preface to the third edition (1942).
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Thought

Étienne de La Boétie

Soyez résolus à ne plus servir, et vous voilà libres. Je ne
vous demande pas de le pousser, de l’ébranler, mais
seulement de ne plus le soutenir, et vous le verrez,
tel un grand colosse dont on a brisé la base,
fondre sous son poids et se rompre.

Resolve to serve no more, and you are at once freed. I do not ask that you place hands upon the tyrant to topple him over, but simply that you support him no longer; then you will behold him, like a great Colossus whose pedestal has been pulled away, fall of his own weight and break in pieces.

Étienne de La Boétie, Discourse on Voluntary Servitude (1548).