Those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must, like men, undergo the fatigue of supporting it.
Author: Redactor
New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s much-talked-about prohibition of large-size sugary drinks, like Coke and Pepsi, set to have gone into effect today, has been over-ruled. At least temporarily. New York Supreme Court Judge Milton Tingling put the kibosh on the law, on Monday, enjoining and restraining the city “from implementing or enforcing the new regulations.”
Mayor Bloomberg promises to appeal the ruling. Apparently, he sees this as such an important policy move that spending taxpayers’ money on legal fees is another great thing he can do for the people he’s supposed to serve.
But, until his next assault, let’s appreciate the judge’s ruling:
In halting the drink rules, Judge Tingling noted that the incoming sugary drink regulations were “fraught with arbitrary and capricious consequences” that would be difficult to enforce with consistency “even within a particular city block, much less the city as a whole.”
“The loopholes in this rule effectively defeat the stated purpose of the rule,” the judge wrote.
The judge also censured Bloomberg for overstepping his bounds by cooking up the regs not via the City Council — the city’s legislative body — but from the Board of Health, which just happens to have been appointed by . . . Michael Bloomberg.
The prohibition of larger-sized soft drinks never made much sense. Add onto its limited scope (applying to some vendors, not others) and its core notion (prohibiting sale by dosage, when consumers could with only marginal inconvenience get around the rules) Bloomberg’s legislative hanky panky, and it wasn’t just any Nanny State horror.
It was an autocratic move.
Nicely stopped. For now.
This is COmmon Sense. I’m Paul Jacob.
Salt March March 12
On March 12, 1930, Mahatma Gandhi led a 200-mile march, known as the Salt March, to the sea in defiance of British opposition, to protest the British monopoly on salt. This “Satyagraha” was one of Gandhi’s most famous protests.
Jean-Baptiste Say
A hard working laborer, I was told, fancied working by candlelight. He had calculated that, during his vigil, he burned a 4-penny candle, earning 8 pennies by his work. A tax on tallows and another on the manufacture of the candles increased by 5 pennies the cost of his luminary, which became thus more expensive than the value of the product that it could shed light upon. From then on, as soon as night fell, the workman remained idle; he lost the 4 pennies which his work could obtain him, and without the tax service perceiving anything out of this production. Such a loss must be multiplied by the number of the workmen in a city and by the number of the days of the year.
Modern economics takes a long, circuitous route to the old wisdom of classical political economy: Laissez faire is best.
This ideal of free markets was pretty clearly established by Adam Smith, J.B. Say, David Ricardo, and others long ago. Frédéric Bastiat explained it best in layman’s terms.
But modern economic theory, with lots of math I don’t pretend to follow, often backs it up, too. Sure, sure: Much of modern theory sort of assumes unlimited government as the alternative to “market failure.” But the more you look (and look critically) at that theory — and increasing numbers of economists are doing just that — the more the case for government involvement falls flat.
This struck me as I was reading economist Garett Jones:
There’s an old story about a mathematician asking Paul Samuelson for one idea in economics that was simultaneously true and not obvious. Samuelson’s answer [was the Law of Comparative Advantage]. Today, I’ve got another: The Chamley-Judd Redistribution Impossibility Theorem.
Chamley and Judd separately came to the same discovery: In the long run, capital taxes are far more distorting tha[n] most economists had thought, so distorting that the optimal tax rate on capital is zero. If you’ve got a fixed tax bill it’s better to have the workers pay it.
Jones goes on:
Under standard, pretty flexible assumptions, it’s impossible to tax capitalists, give the money to workers, and raise the total long-run income of workers.
Not, hard, not inefficient, not socially wasteful, not immoral: Impossible.
Hard as policy wonks and their patrons, the politicians, may try, any redistribution from the owners of capital to workers will make workers worse off.
Jones discusses some of the niceties of the theory.
But I confess: to me it’s all déjà vu. Or, to conjure up another French term, laissez faire all over again.
This is Common Sense. I’m Paul Jacob.
Jean-Baptiste Say
A tax can never be favorable to the public welfare, except by the good use that is made of its proceeds.
Townhall: It’s not about drones
The key issue of last week’s great Rand Paul filibuster was not drone technology, as such, but whether those who run the government will accept the rules of the Constitution. That’s the message from Yours Truly this week on Townhall. Read the column, then come back here for some more links to further facts and opinion.
- First Hour of Filibuster Video (all 13 hours available on YouTube)
- “Drone Policy Must Include Checks and Balances,” by Benjamin H. Friedman, Cato Institute
- “President Obama, did or did you not kill Anwar al-Awlaki?“, by David Cole, Washington Post
- “John McCain and Lindsey Graham Declare War on Rand Paul,” by Brian Dougherty, Reason (Hit and Run)
- Daily Show segment, Jon Stewart on Rand Paul
- “Rand Paul fires back – McCain, Graham think ‘whole world is a battlefield,’” Fox News
- “Military robots and the future of war,” by P.W. Singer, TED talk (see Saturday’s post)
- “An off-target drone,” The Economist
Thomas Paine
There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required.
Video: Warrior Robots Today and Tomorrow
Let’s put some context to Rand Paul’s concerns about checks and balances vis-a-vis drone strikes. Robots have entered the battlefield. And are about to buzz and boom big time. The future — even the present — is science-fictional.
Thomas Paine
It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradation we surmount the force of local prejudice as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world.